LASTING IMPACT

Family members of people in prison are often overlooked and receive little practical or emotional support, even though they suffer many of the same harms as direct victims. Children of incarcerated parents face a wide range of risks: prolonged emotional stress, increased behavior problems, higher rates of school suspension or expulsion, deeper and more persistent poverty, and a greater likelihood of later offending. Individual outcomes vary, but substantial research shows that the strength of the parent–child bond and the availability of the family’s social support networks strongly influence a child’s ability to cope and ultimately succeed. Correctional staff should coordinate closely with police, schools, and child welfare agencies to assess each family’s unique circumstances, protect the child’s wellbeing, and actively support the parent’s safe and stable re-entry into the community.

The massive increase in incarceration in the United States has been well publicized. In the 1970s, there were around 340,000 Americans incarcerated; today, there are approximately 2.3 million. One consequence of this dramatic expansion is that many more mothers and fathers with dependent children are now behind bars. Since the war on drugs began in the 1980s, for example, the rate of children with incarcerated mothers has increased by roughly 100 percent, and the rate for those with incarcerated fathers has risen by more than 75 percent.

Current estimates of the number of children who have had an incarcerated parent at least once vary. One report found that the total may range from about 1.7 million to 2.7 million children. If this estimate is accurate, roughly 11 percent of all children may be affected at some point in childhood. The rate of parenthood among people who are incarcerated is similar to that of the general population: between 50 percent and 75 percent of incarcerated individuals report having a minor child.

Using only a few headline numbers hides where parental incarceration hits hardest. Communities of color face much higher risk: 2007 data show Black children were about 7.5 times and Hispanic children about 2.3 times more likely than white children to have an incarcerated parent. About 40% of incarcerated parents were Black fathers. The problem has grown over time: roughly 15% of Black children born in the 1970s experienced parental incarceration, rising to about 28% for those born in the 1990s.

Parental incarceration is just one of many separations and stresses children face when a parent touches the criminal justice system. Considering the whole process — arrest, pre-trial detention, conviction, jail, probation, imprisonment, and parole — far more children are affected. Including parents who have been arrested raises the number to about 10 million. Research has focused more on children with incarcerated parents than those whose parents are in other system stages, but both groups often share similar risks and needs. Policymakers and practitioners need to recognize these shared issues to create effective responses.

This outlines the risks children face when a parent is incarcerated and warns against one-size-fits-all policies that ignore each child’s needs, the parent–child relationship, and other supports. About 2.7 million U.S. children currently have a parent in jail or prison. Including those whose parent was formerly incarcerated, roughly 5 million children have experienced parental incarceration during childhood. About 2 million people are incarcerated in the U.S., and an estimated 7% of American children face parental incarceration and absence at some point. Research from UC Irvine suggests parental incarceration can harm children more than death or divorce. But these harms stem from deeper social and economic injustices that numbers alone cannot capture.

Children with incarcerated parents face stigma that leads to low self‑esteem and anxiety. Families often pull away from their communities to avoid negative treatment, which can increase the chance that these children act out. That behavior makes it harder for them to succeed, including going to college. Georgetown research shows generational wealth strongly predicts life success, so many without it rely on college to move up. If children of incarcerated parents are less likely to attend college and grow up poor, they are often trapped in poverty across generations.

Children with an incarcerated parent often fall into poverty because their families lose steady housing and income. When two-thirds of these families can’t cover basic needs, they also can’t afford tutoring, counseling, or childcare. Over time, the effects of a parent’s conviction—like trouble finding work or housing—deepen the child’s instability. Families are then forced into neighborhoods with weak schools, poor services, and heavy policing.

Despite lasting obstacles, children of incarcerated parents grow strong enough to rise above an unfair legal system. Many face poverty, yet their empathy and determination inspire others. Some are the first in their families to finish high school or go to college and never enter the justice system. They break barriers and stop the cycle caused by a parent’s incarceration. Their stories matter because they show others who feel invisible that their dreams are possible. Many children can’t put these traumas into words and carry the pain into adulthood. When they get in trouble later, we blame their upbringing, absent parents, or communities. Instead, we should ask: what happened to this person as a child, and how did we fail to ease their trauma? Blaming individuals avoids our responsibility to children of incarcerated parents and keeps families trapped in the carceral cycle.

Criminal justice reform has focused on prisons and sentences. Policymakers should ease the financial strain on families of incarcerated parents, especially to help their children during and after incarceration. Prisons can offer work programs so incarcerated people can financially support their children.

Politicians talk about building

SOURCES FOR FURTHER READING:
Barnes-Proby, Dionne, et al. ​“Programs for Incarcerated Parents.” RAND Corporation, 8 Feb. 2022, www​.rand​.org.
Bryant, Erica. ​“More Than 5 Million Children Have Had an Incarcerated Parent.” Vera, 7 May 2021, www​.vera​.org.
Coronado, Isabel. ​“A New Federal Grant to Ensure That Children of Incarcerated Parents Flourish.” Next100, 1 Mar. 2021,
Hess, Abigail. ​“Georgetown Study: ​‘To Succeed in America, It’s Better to Be Born Rich than Smart.’” CNBC, 29 May 2019, www​.cnbc​.com.
Hughes, Julia. ​“Quest for Democracy and ACA 8: Prisoners Paid as Little as 64 Cents a Day.” CJCJ, 27 July 2023, www​.cjcj​.org.
Murray, Joseph, and David P. Farrington. ​“The Effects of Parental Imprisonment on Children.” Crime and Justice, vol. 37, no. 1, 2008, pp. 133 – 206. JSTOR, https://​doi​.org/​1​0​.​1​0​8​6​/​5​20070. Accessed 09 Aug. 2023.
Saneta deVuono-Powell, Chris Schweidler, Alicia Walters, and Azadeh Zohrabi. Who Pays? The True Cost of Incarceration on Families. Oakland, CA: Ella Baker Center, Forward Together, Research Action Design, 2015.
Shaw, M. (2019). The Reproduction of Social Disadvantage Through Educational Demobilization: A Critical Analysis of Parental Incarceration. Critical Criminology, 27(2), 275 – 290. doi​.org.
“In Their Words: 4 Young People Share Experiences with Having an Incarcerated Parent.” Children of Incarcerated Parents, youth​.gov. Accessed 09 Aug. 2023.
“Parental Incarceration Can Be Worse for a Child than Divorce or Death of a Parent.” American Sociological Association, 28 Sept. 2022, www​.asanet​.org.
Wagner, Peter, and Wendy Sawyer. ​“Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie 2023.” Prison Policy Initiative, 14 Mar. 2023, www​.pris​on​pol​i​cy​.org.
​“What Are Collateral Consequences?” National Inventory of Collateral Consequences of Criminal Conviction, nic​cc​.nation​al​reen​tryre​source​cen​ter​.org. Accessed 09Aug. 2023.